June 19, 2026
Today is the federal holiday honoring Juneteenth, the celebration of the announcement in Texas on June 19th, 1865, that enslaved Americans were free.
That announcement came as late as it did because while General Robert E. Lee surrendered his Army of Northern Virginia to General Ulysses S. Grant of the U.S. Army on April 9, 1865, it was not until June 2 that General Edmund Kirby Smith surrendered the Trans-Mississippi Department, the last major army of the Confederacy, to the United States, in Galveston, Texas. Smith then fled to Mexico.
Seventeen days later, Major General Gordon Granger of the U.S. Army arrived to take charge of the soldiers stationed in Texas. On that day, June 19, he issued General Order Number 3. It read:
“The people of Texas are informed that, in accordance with a proclamation from the Executive of the United States, all slaves are free. This involves an absolute equality of personal rights and rights of property between former masters and slaves, and the connection heretofore existing between them becomes that between employer and hired labor.”
Granger’s order referred to the Emancipation Proclamation of January 1, 1863, which declared that Americans enslaved in states that were in rebellion against the United States “shall be then, thenceforward, and forever free; and the Executive Government of the United States, including the military and naval authority thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of such persons.” Granger was informing the people of Galveston that, Texas having been in rebellion on January 1, 1863, their world had changed. The federal government would see to it that, going forward, white people and Black people would be equal.
Black people in Galveston met the news Order No. 3 brought with celebrations in the streets, but emancipation was not a gift from white Americans. Black Americans had fought and died for the United States. They had worked as soldiers, as nurses, and as day laborers in the Union army. Those who could had demonstrated their hatred of enslavement and the Confederacy by leaving their homes for the northern lines, sometimes delivering valuable information or matériel to the Union, while those unable to leave had hidden wounded U.S. soldiers and helped them get back to Union lines.
But white former Confederates in Texas were demoralized and angered by the changes in their circumstances. “It looked like everything worth living for was gone,” Texas cattleman Charles Goodnight later recalled.
In summer 1865, white legislators in the states of the former Confederacy grudgingly ratified the Thirteenth Amendment, which abolished enslavement except as punishment for a crime. But they also passed laws to keep freedpeople subservient to their white neighbors. These laws, known as the Black Codes, varied by state, but they generally bound Black Americans to yearlong contracts working in fields owned by white men; prohibited Black people from meeting in groups, owning guns or property, or testifying in court; outlawed interracial marriage; and permitted white men to buy out the jail terms of Black people convicted of a wide swath of petty crimes and then to force those former prisoners into labor to pay off their debt.
Congress refused to readmit the southern states with the Black Codes in place, and in December 1865, Americans added the Thirteenth Amendment to the Constitution. Six months later, Texas freedpeople gathered on June 19, 1866, to celebrate the anniversary of the coming of their freedom with prayers, speeches, food, and socializing.
By then, congressmen had turned to guaranteeing that states could not pass discriminatory laws against citizens who lived in them, laws like the Black Codes. In 1866 they wrote and passed the Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution. Its first section established that “All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside.” It went on: “No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws.”
That was the whole ball game, the one that would put teeth behind the principles in the Emancipation Proclamation. The federal government had declared that a state legislature—no matter who elected it or what voters called for—could not discriminate against any of its citizens or arbitrarily take away any of a citizen’s rights. Then, like the Thirteenth Amendment before it, the Fourteenth declared that “Congress shall have the power to enforce, by appropriate legislation, the provisions of this article,” strengthening the federal government.
Rather than accept this new state of affairs, leading white southerners decided they would rather remain under military rule. So in March 1867, Congress passed the Military Reconstruction Act, calling for southern voters to elect delegates to new state constitutional conventions. And, for the first time in U.S. history, they mandated that Black men could vote in those elections.
Three months later the federal government, eager to explain to Black citizens their new voting rights, encouraged “Juneteenth” celebrations, and the tradition of Juneteenth began to spread to Black communities across the nation. The next year, the addition of the Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution remade the United States of America.
In 1865, Juneteenth was a celebration of freedom and the war’s end. In 1866 it was a celebration of the enshrinement of freedom in the U.S. Constitution after the Thirteenth Amendment had been ratified. In 1867, Juneteenth was a celebration of the freedom of Black men to vote, the very real power of having a say in the government under which they lived.
Celebrations of Juneteenth declined during the Jim Crow years of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, but as Black Americans from the South spread across the country during and after World War II, they brought Juneteenth with them. By the 1980s, Texas had established Juneteenth as a state holiday. Other states followed, and in 2021, thanks in part to pressure from activist Opal Lee, Congress made Juneteenth a federal holiday and President Joe Biden signed the measure into law.
But throughout our history, those determined to preserve a government that discriminates between Americans according to race, gender, religion, ability, and so on, have embraced the idea that true democracy requires skewing the vote toward the wealthy and white men. They have also insisted, as former Confederates did in the late 1860s, that any laws protecting the equal rights of minorities discriminate against the white majority.
Today, those voices are, once again, gaining traction. One hundred and sixty-one years after Juneteenth was established, we are in danger of losing the new nation that it celebrated—one that would honor the equality of all Americans.
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Notes:
https://www.archives.gov/news/articles/juneteenth-original-document
J. Evetts Haley, Charles Goodnight: Cowman and Plainsman (1949; rpt. University of Oklahoma Press, 1981).
https://www.archives.gov/milestone-documents/13th-amendment
https://www.archives.gov/milestone-documents/14th-amendment
https://avalon.law.yale.edu/19th_century/csa_scarsec.asp
https://www.tshaonline.org/handbook/entries/juneteenth
https://www.tsl.texas.gov/ref/abouttx/juneteenth
https://www.archives.gov/exhibits/featured-documents/emancipation-proclamation/transcript.html
https://www.cnn.com/2025/06/18/us/juneteenth-cancelations-trump-dei-rollbacks
https://apnews.com/article/juneteenth-trump-diversity-e441197492e4360f3b7a8cbbc00b5c79
https://www.congress.gov/bill/117th-congress/senate-bill/475
https://www.archives.gov/exhibits/featured-documents/emancipation-proclamation/transcript.html
The Fourteenth Amendment's equal protection clause was not written as an aspiration — it was written as a direct response to state legislatures that had already demonstrated they would use their lawmaking power to subordinate citizens by race. The Black Codes were not a theoretical threat; they were enacted within months of the Confederacy's surrender. Congress added the amendment to the Constitution precisely because it did not trust that electoral majorities, left unchecked, would protect the rights of minorities within their borders.
Richardson's closing claim, that voices seeking to preserve discriminatory government are "gaining traction", may be accurate in some respects, but the constitutional architecture she describes was built to survive exactly that kind of political pressure. The relevant question for self-government is not whether such voices exist, but whether the institutions designed to check them are functioning: whether courts apply equal protection with consistency, whether Congress exercises its explicit enforcement power under the Fourteenth Amendment, and whether federal officials treat that amendment as a binding constraint rather than a policy preference. Those are measurable things, and the answers matter perhaps more than the general warning her essay closes with.
We need to read this book by Carl Sagan, who foresaw a lot of what is happening now and gave us The Baloney Detection Kit to fortify us.
Here is a link about Carl Sagan’s book:
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Demon-Haunted_World
The Demon-Haunted World - Sagan’s masterwork explores several core concepts that empower readers to navigate a complex world. The Baloney Detection Kit: Sagan provides a practical toolkit for critical thinking. This includes testing ideas with independent confirmation, questioning arguments from authority, utilizing Occam's razor, and testing for falsifiability. Sagan demonstrates how a lack of scientific rigor invites fear and manipulation. Sagan argues that science is not just a body of knowledge, but a way of thinking. It is an essential light that protects democratic freedoms and technical civilization from the "demons" of irrationality.